|
Important services were rendered by the
Phalanx in the West. The operations in
Missouri, Tennessee and Kentucky, afforded
an excellent opportunity to the commanders
of the Union forces to raise negro troops in
such portions of the territory as they held;
but in consequence of the bitterness against
such action by the semi-Unionists and
Copperheads in the Department of the Ohio
and Cumberland, it was not until the fall of
1863 that the organizing of such troops in
these Departments fairly began. The
Mississippi was well-nigh guarded by Phalanx
regiments enlisted along that river,
numbering about fifty thousand men.
They garrisoned the fortifications, and
occupied the captured towns. Later on,
however, when the confederate General
Bragg began preparations for the
recovery of the Tennessee Valley,
organization of the Phalanx
commenced in earnest, and proceeded with a
rapidity that astounded even those who were
favorable to the policy. St. Louis
became a depot and Benton Barracks a
recruiting station, from whence, in the fall
of 1863, went many a regiment of brave black
men, whose chivalrous deeds will ever live
in the annals of the nation. It was
not long after this time that the noble Army
of the Cumberland began to receive a portion
of the black troops, whose shouts rang
through the mountain fastnesses. The
record made by the 60th Regiment is the
boast of the State of Iowa, to which it was
accredited: but of those which went to the
assistance of General Thomas'
army none won greater distinction and honor
than the gallant brigade com-
[Pg. 287]
CHANGED CONDITIONS
The Confederate Generals Edward Johnson and
G. H. Stewart, as prisoners, under
guard of Phalanx Soldiers, May 12th, 1864
[Pg. 288] - BLANK
[Pg. 289]
manded by Colonel T. J. Morgan,
afterwards raised to Brigadier-General.
The gallant 14th Infantry was one of
its regiments, the field officers of which
were Colonel, Thomas J. Morgan, who
had been promoted through various grades,
from a 1st Lieutenancy in the 70th Indiana
Volunteer Infantry; Lieutenant-Colonel,
H. C. Corbin, who had risen from a 1st
Lieutenancy of the 79th O. V. 1., and
Major N. J. Vail, who had served as an
enlisted man in the 19th Illinois
Volunteers. All the officers passed a
rigid examination before the board of
examiners appointed by the War Department
for that purpose.
General Moreran. by request furnishes the
following highly interesting and historical
statement of his services with the Phalanx
Brigade:
"The American Civil War of 1861-5 marks
an epoch not only in the history of the
United States, but in that of democracy, and
of civilization. Its issue has vitally
affected the course of human progress. To
the student of history it ranks along with
the conquests of Alexander; the
incursions of the Barbarians; the Crusades;
the discovery of America and the American
Revolution. It settled the question of
our National unity with all the consequences
attaching thereto. It exhibited in a
very striking manner the power of a free
people to preserve their form of government
against its most dangerous foe, Civil War.
It not only enfranchised four millions of
American slaves of African descent, but made
slavery forever impossible in the great
Republic, and gave a new impulse to the
cause of human freedom. Its influence
upon American slaves was immediate and
startlingly revolutionary, lifting them from
the condition of despised chattels, bought
and sold like sheep in the market, with no
rights which the white man was bound to
respect,—to the exalted plane of American
citizenship ; made them free men, the peers
in every civil and political right, of their
late masters. Within about a decade
after the close of the war, negroes, lately
slaves, were legislators, state officers,
members of Congress, and for a brief time
one presided over the Senate of the United
States, where only a few years before,
Toombs had boasted that he would yet
call the roll of his slaves in the shade of
Bunker Hill.
"To-day slavery finds no advocate, and the colored race
in America is making steady progress in all
the elements of civilization. The
conduct of the American slave during, and
since the war, has wrought an extraordinary
change in public sentiment, regarding the
capabilities of the race.
"The manly qualities of the negro soldiers, evinced in
camp, on the march and in battle, won for
them golden opinions, made their freedom a
necessity and their citizenship a certainty.
"Those of us who assisted in organizing, disciplining
and leading
[Pg. 290]
negro troops in battle, may,
perhaps, be pardoned for feeling a good
degree of pride in our share of the
thrilling events of the great war.
"When Sumter was fired upon, April, 1861, I was 21; a
member of the Senior Class in Franklin
College, Indiana. I enlisted in the
7th Indiana Volunteer infantry and served as
a private soldier for three months in West
Virginia, under Gen. McClellan,—'
the young Napoleon,' as he was even
then known. I participated in the battle of
Carricks Ford, where Gen. Garnett
was killed and his army defeated. In August
1862, I re-enlisted as a First Lieutenant in
the 70th Indiana, (Col. Benjamin Harrison)
and saw service in Kentucky and Tennessee.
"In January 1863, Abraham Lincoln issued
the Proclamation of Emancipation, and
incorporated in it the policy of arming the
negro for special service in the Union army.
Thus the question was fairly up, and I
entered into its discussion with the deepest
interest, as I saw that upon, its settlement
hung great issues.
"On the one hand the opponents of the policy maintained
that to make soldiers of the negroes would
be to put them on the same level with white
soldiers, and so be an insult to every man
who wore the blue. It was contended,
too, that the negro was not fit for a
soldier because he belonged to a degraded,
inferior race, wanting in soldierly
qualities; that
his long bondage had crushed out whatever of
manliness he might naturally possess; that
he was too grossly ignorant to perform,
intelligently, the duties of the soldier;
that his provocation had been so great as a
slave, that when once armed, and conscious
of his power as a soldier, he would abuse it
by acts of revenge and wanton cruelty.
"It was urged, on the other hand, that in its fearful
struggle for existence, the Republic needed
the help of the able-bodied negroes; that
with their natural instincts of
self-preservation, desire for liberty, habit
of obedience, power of imitation, love of
pomp and parade, acquaintance with the
southern country and adaptation to its
climate, they had elements which peculiarly
fitted them for soldiers. It was
further urged that the negro had more at
stake than the white man, and that he should
have a chance to strike a blow for himself.
It was particularly insisted upon that he
needed just the opportunity which army
service afforded to develop and exhibit
whatever of manliness he possessed. As
the war progressed, and each great
battle-field was piled with heaps of the
killed and wounded of our best citizens, men
looked at each other
seriously, and asked if a black man would
not stop a bullet as well as a white man?
Miles O'Reilly at length voiced a
popular sentiment when he said,
" 'The right, to be killed I'll divide
with the nayger,
And give him the largest half.'
"With the strong conviction that the negro
was a man worthy of freedom, and possessed
of all the essential qualities of a good
soldier, I early advocated the organization
of colored regiments,—not for fatigue or
garrison duly, but for field service.
"In October, 1863, having applied for a position as an
officer in the
[Pg. 291]
colored service, I was
ordered before the Board of Examiners at
Nashville, Tennessee, where I spent five
rather anxious hours. When I entered
the army I knew absolutely nothing of the
details of army life; had never even drilled
with a fire company. During the first
three months I gathered little except a
somewhat rough miscellaneous experience.
As a
lieutenant and staff officer I learned
something, but as I had never had at any
time systematic instruction from any one, I
appeared before the Board with little else
than vigorous health, a college education, a
little experience as a soldier, a good
reputation as an officer, a fair amount of
common sense and a good supply of zeal.
The Board averaged me, and
recommended me for a Major.
"A few days after the examination, I received an order
to report to Major George L. Stearns,
who had charge of the organization of
colored troops in that Department. He
assigned me to duty temporarily in a camp in
Nashville. Major Stearns was a
merchant in Boston, who had been for years
an ardent abolitionist, and who, among other
good deeds,
had befriended John Brown.
He was a large-hearted, broad-minded genial
gentleman. When the policy of
organizing colored troops was adopted, he
offered his services to the Government,
received an appointment as Assistant
Adjutant General, and was ordered to
Nashville to organize colored regiments.
He acted directly under the Secretary of
War, and independently of the Department
Commander. To his zeal, good judgment
and efficient labor, was due, very largely,
the success of the work in the West.
"November 1st, 1863, by order of Major
Stearns, I went to Gallatin, Tennessee,
to organize the 14th United States Colored
Infantry. General E. A. Paine
was then in command of the post at Gallatin,
having under him a small detachment of white
troops. There were at that time
several hundred negro men in camp, in charge
of, I think, a lieutenant. They were a
motley crowd,—old, young, middle aged.
Some wore the United States uniform, but
most of them had on the clothes in which
they had left the plantations, or had worn
during periods of hard service as laborers
in the army. Gallatin at that time was
threatened with an attack by the guerilla
bands then prowling over that part of the
State. General Paine had
issued a hundred old muskets and rifles to
the negroes in camp. They had not
passed a medical examination, had no company
organization and had had no drill.
Almost immediately upon my arrival, as an
attack was imminent, I was ordered to
distribute another hundred muskets, and to
'prepare every available man for fight.'
I did the best I could under the
circumstances, but am free to say that I
regard it as a fortunate circumstance that
we had no fighting to do at that time.
But the men raw, and, untutored as they
were, did guard and picket duty, went
foraging, guarded wagon trains, scouted
after
guerillas, and so learned to soldier—by
soldiering.
" As soon and as fast as practicable, I set about
organizing the regiment. I was a
complete novice in that kind of work, and
all the young officers who reported to me
for duty, had been promoted from the ranks
[Pg. 292]
and were without experience,
except as soldiers. The colored men
knew nothing of the duties of a soldier,
except a little they had picked up as
camp-followers.
" Fortunately there was one man, Mr. A. H. Dunlap,
who had had some clerical experience with
Col. Birney, in Baltimore, in
organizing the 3rd U. S. Colored Infantry.
He was an intelligent, methodical gentle
man, and rendered me invaluable service.
I had no Quartermaster; no Surgeon; no
Adjutant. We had no tents, and the men
were sheltered in
an old filthy tobacco warehouse, where they
fiddled, danced, sang, swore or prayed,
according to their mood.
"How to meet the daily demands made upon us for
military duty, and at the same time to evoke
order out of this chaos, was no easy
problem. The first thing to be done
was to examine the men. A room was
prepared, and I and my clerk took our
stations at a table. One by one the
recruits came before us a la Eden, sans
the fig leaves, and were subjected to a
careful medical examination, those who were
in any way physically disqualified being
rejected. Many bore the wounds and
bruises of the slave-driver's lash, and many
were unfit for duty by reason of some form
of disease to which human flesh is heir. In
the course of a few weeks, however, we had a
thousand able-bodied, stalwart men.
"I was quite as solicitous about their mental condition
as about their physical status, so I plied
them with questions as to their history,
their experience with the army, their
motives for becoming soldiers, their ideas
of army life, their hopes for the future,
&c, &c. I found that a considerable
number of them had been teamsters, cooks,
officers' servants, &c, and had thus seen a
good deal of hard service in both armies, in
camp, on the march and in battle, and so
knew pretty well what
to expect. In this respect they had the
advantage of most raw recruits from the
North, who were wholly ' unusued to
wars' alarms.' Some of them had very
noble ideas of manliness. I remember
picturing to one bright-eyed fellow some of
the hardships of camp life and campaigning,
and receiving from him the cheerful reply,
'I know all about that.' I then said,
'you may be killed in battle.' He
instantly answered, 'many a better man than
me has been killed in this war.' When
I told another one who wanted to 'fight for
freedom,' that he might lose his life, he
replied, ' but my people will be free."
"The result of this careful examination convinced me
that these men, though black in skin, had
men's hearts, and only needed right handling
to develope into magnificent
soldiers. Among them were the same varieties
of physique, temperament, mental and moral
endowments and experiences, ns would be
found among the same number of white men.
Some of them were finely formed and
powerful; some were almost white; a large
number had in their veins white blood of the
F. F. V. quality; some were men of
intelligence, and many of them deeply
religious.
"Acting upon my clerk's suggestion, I assigned them to
companies according to their height, putting
men of nearly the same height together.
When the regiment was full, the four center
companies were all.
[Pg. 293]
composed of tall men, the flanking companies
of men of medium height, while the little
men were sandwiched between. The
effect was excellent in every way, and made
the regiment quite unique. It was not
uncommon to have strangers who saw it parade
for the first time, declare that the men
were all of one size.
"In six weeks three companies were filled, uniformed,
armed, and had been taught many soldierly
ways. They had been drilled in the
facings, in the manual of arms, and in some
company movements.
"November 20th, Gen. G. H. Thomas commanding the
Department of the Cumberland, ordered six
companies to Bridgeport, Alabama, under
command of Major H. C. Corbin.
I was left at Gallatin to complete the
organization of the other four companies.
When the six companies were full, I was
mustered in as Lieutenant-Colonel. The
complete organization of the regiment
occupied about two mouths, being finished by
Jan. 1st, 1864. The field, staff and
company officers were all white men.
All the non-commissioned officers, Hospital
Steward, Quartermaster, Sergeant,
Sergeant-Major, Orderlies, Sergeants and
Corporals were colored. They proved
very efficient, and had the war continued
two years longer, many of them would have
been competent as commissioned officers.
"When General Paine left Gallatin, I was
senior officer and had command of the post
and garrison, which included a few white
soldiers besides my own troops.
Colored soldiers acted as pickets, and no
citizen was allowed to pass our lines either
into the village or out, without a proper
permit. Those presenting themselves
without a pass were sent to headquarters
under guard. Thus many proud Southern
slave-holders found themselves marched
through the street, guarded by those who
three months before had been slaves.
The negroes often laughed over these changed
relations as they sat around their camp
fires, or chatted together while off duty,
but it was very rare that any Southerner had
reason to complain of any unkind or uncivil
treatment from a colored soldier.
" About the first of January occurred a few days of
extreme cold weather, which tried the men
sorely. One morning after one of the
most severe nights, the officers coming in
from picket, marched the men to
headquarters, and called attention to their
condition: their feet were frosted and their
hands frozen. In some instances the
skin on their fingers had broken from the
effects of the cold, and it was sad to see
their sufferings. Some of them never
recovered from the effects of that night,
yet they bore it patiently and
uncomplainingly.
"An incident occurred while I was still an officer in a
white regiment, that illustrates the curious
transition through which the negroes were
passing. I had charge of a company
detailed to guard a wagon train out
foraging. Early one morning, just as
we were about to resume our march, a
Kentucky lieutenant rode up to me, saluted,
and said he had some runaway negroes whom he
had arrested to send back to their masters,
but as he was ordered away, he would turn
them over to me. (At
[Pg. 294]
that time a reward could be claimed for
returning fugitive slaves. I took
charge of them, and assuming a stern look
and manner, enquired, 'Where are you going?'
'Going to the Yankee army.' 'What for?' '
We wants to be free, sir.' 'All right,
you are free, go where you wish.' The
satisfaction that came to me from their
heartfelt ' thank'ee, thank'ee sir,' gave me
some faint insight into the sublime joy that
the great emancipator must have felt when he
penned the immortal proclamation that set
free four millions of human beings.
"These men afterward enlisted in my regiment, and did
good service. One day, as we were on
the march, they through their lieutenant
reminded me of the circumstance, which they
seemed to remember with lively gratitude.
"The six companies at Bridgeport were kept very busily
at work, and had but little opportunity for
drill. Notwithstanding these
difficulties, however, considerable progress
was made in both drill and discipline.
I made earnest efforts to get the regiment
united and relieved from so much labor, in
order that they might be prepared for
efficient field service as soldiers.
"In January I had a personal interview with General
Thomas, and secured an order uniting
the regiment at Chattanooga. We
entered camp there under the shadow of
Lookout Mountain, and in full view of
Mission Ridge, in February, 1864.
During the same month Adjutant General
Lorenzo Thomas, from Washington, then on
a tour of inspection, visited my regiment,
and authorized me to substitute the eagle
for the silver leaf.
"Chattanooga was at that time the headquarters of the
Army of the Cumberland. Gen Thomas
and staff, and a considerable part of the
army were there. Our camp was laid out
with great regularity; our quarters were
substantial, comfortable and well kept.
The regiment numbered a thousand men, with a
full compliment of field, staff, line and
non-commissioned officers. We had a
good drum corps, and a band pro- vided with
a set of expensive silver instruments.
We were also fully equipped; the men were
armed with rifled muskets, and well clothed.
They were well drilled in the manual of
arms, and took great pride in appearing on
parade with arms burnished, belts polished,
shoes blacked, clothes brushed, in full
regulation uniform, including white gloves.
On every pleasant day our parades were
witnessed by officers, soldiers and citizens
from the North, and it was not uncommon to
have two thousand spectators. Some
came to make sport, some from curiosity,
some because it was the fashion, and others
from a genuine desire to see for themselves
what sort of looking soldiers negroes would
make.
"At the time that the work of organizing colored troops
began in the West, there was a great deal of
bitter prejudice against the movement, and
white troops threatened to desert, if the
plan should be really carried out.
Those who entered the service were
stigmatized as ' nigger officers,' and negro
soldiers were hooted at and mal-treated by
white ones.
[Pg. 295]
"Apropos of the prejudice against so called nigger
officers, I may mention the following
incident: While an officer in the 70th
Indiana, I had met, and formed a passing
acquaintance with Lieut.-Colonel, of the
Ohio Regiment. On New Years Day, 1864,
1 chanced to meet him at a social gathering
at General Ward's headquarters
in Nashville. I spoke to him as usual,
at the same time offering my hand, which
apparently he did not see. Receiving
only a cool bow from him, I at once turned
away. As I did so he remarked to those
standing near him that he ' did not
recognize these nigger officers.' In
some way, I do not know how, a report of the
occurrence came to the ears of Lorenzo
Thomas, the Adjutant-General of the
Army, then in Nashville, who investigated
the case, and promptly dismissed Colonel
from the United States service.
"Very few West Point officers had any faith in the
success of the enterprise, and most Northern
people perhaps, regarded it as at best a
dubious experiment. A college
classmate of mine, a young man of
intelligence and earnestly loyal, although a
Kentuckian, and a slave-holder, plead with
me to abandon my plan of entering this
service, saying, 'I shudder to think of the
remorse you may suffer, from deeds done by
barbarians under your command.'
"General George H. Thomas, though a Southerner,
and a West Point graduate, was a singularly
fair-minded, candid man. He
asked me one day soon after my regiment was
organized, if I thought my men would fight.
I replied that they would. He said he
thought 'they might behind breastworks.'
I said they would fight in the open field.
He thought not. 'Give me a chance
General,' I replied, 'and I will prove it.'
"Our evening parades converted thousands to a belief in
colored troops. It was almost a daily
experience to hear the remark from visitors,
'Men who can handle their arms as these do,
will fight.' General Thomas
paid the regiment the compliment of saying
that he 'never saw a regiment go through the
manual as well as this one.' We
remained in 'Camp Whipple' from February,
1864, till August, 1865, a period of
eighteen months, and during a large part of
that time the regiment was an object lesson
to the army, and helped to revolutionize
public opinion on the subject of colored
soldiers.
"My Lieutenant-Colonel and I rode over one evening to
call on General Joe Hooker,
commanding the 20th Army Corps. He
occupied a small log hut in the Wauhatchie
Valley, near Lookout Mountain and not far
from the Tennessee river. He received
us with great courtesy, and when he learned
that we were officers in a colored regiment,
congratulated us on our good fortune, saying
that he 'believed they would make the best
troops in the world.' He predicted
that after the rebellion was subdued, it
would be necessary for the United States to
send an army into Mexico. This army
would be composed largely of colored men,
and those of us now holding high command,
would have a chance to win great renown.
He lamented that he had made a great mistake
in not accepting a military command, and
going to Nicaragua with Gen-
[Pg. 296]
eral Walker. 'Why,' said he,
'young gentlemen, I might have founded an
empire.'
' " While at Chattanooga, I organized two other
regiments, the 42nd and the 44th United
States Colored Infantry. In addition
to the ordinary instruction in the duties
required of the soldier, we established in
every company a regular school, teaching men
to read and write, and taking great pains to
cultivate in them self-respect and all manly
qualities. Our success in this respect
was ample compensation for our labor.
The men who went on picket or guard duty,
took their books as quite as indispensable
as their coffee pots.
"It must not be supposed that we had only plain
sailing. Soon after reaching
Chattanooga, heavy details began to be made
upon us for men to work upon the
fortifications then in process of
construction around the town. This
almost incessant labor, interfered sadly
with our drill, and at one time all drill
was suspended, by orders from headquarters.
There seemed little prospect of our being
ordered to the field, and as time wore on
and arrangements began in earnest for the
new campaign against Atlanta, we grew
impatient for work, and anxious for
opportunity for drill and preparations for
field service.
" I used every means to bring about a change, for I
believed that the ultimate status of the
negro was to be determined by his conduct on
the battle-field. No one doubted that
he would work, while many did doubt that he
had courage to stand up and fight like a
man. If he could take his place side
by side with the white soldier; endure the
same hardships on the campaign, face the
same enemy, storm the same works, resist the
same assaults, evince the same soldierly
qualities, he would compel that respect
which the world has always accorded to
heroism, and win for himself the same
laurels which brave soldiers have always
won.
" Personally, I shrink from danger, and most decidedly
prefer a safe corner at my own fireside, to
an exposed place in the face of an enemy on
the battle-field, but so strongly was I
impressed with the importance of giving
colored troops a fair field and full
opportunity to show of what mettle they were
made, that I lost no chance of insisting
upon our right to be ordered into the field.
At one time I was threatened with dismissal
from the service for my persistency, but
that did not deter me, for though I had no
yearning for martyrdom, I was determined if
possible to put my regiment into battle, at
whatever cost to myself. As I look
back upon the matter after twenty-one years,
I see no reason to regret my action, unless
it be that I was not even more persistent in
claiming for these men the rights of
soldiers.
" I was grievously disappointed when the first of May,
1864, came, and the army was to start south,
leaving us behind to hold the forts we had
helped to build.
"I asked General Thomas to allow mp, at
least, to go along. He readily
consented, and directed me to report to
General O. O. Howard, commanding the 4th
Army Corps, as Volunteer Aide. I did
so, and remained with him thirty days,
participating in the battles of Buzzard's
[Pg. 297]
Roost, Resaca, Adairsville and Dallas.
At the end of that time, having gained
invaluable experience, and feeling that my
place was with my regiment, I returned to
Chattanooga, determined to again make every
possible effort to get it into active
service.
"A few days after I had taken my place on General
Howard's staff, an incident occurred
showing how narrowly one may escape death.
General Stanley and a staff
officer and General Howard and
myself were making a little reconnoissance
at Buzzards Roost. We stopped to
observe the movements of the enemy,
Stanley standing on the right, Howard
next on his left, and I next. The
fourth officer, Captain Hint,
stood immediately in the rear of General
Howard. A sharpshooter paid us
a compliment in the shape of a rifle ball,
which struck the ground in front of
General Howard, ricocheted,
passed through the skirt of his coat,
through Captain Flint's cap,
and buried itself in a tree behind.
"At Adairsville a group of about a dozen mounted
officers were in an open field, when the
enemy exploded a shell just in front and
over us, wounding two officers and five
horses. A piece of the shell passed
through the right fore leg of my horse, a
kind, docile, fearless animal, that I was
greatly attached to. I lost a friend
and faithful servant.
"On asking leave to return to my command, I was
delighted to receive from General
Howard the following note:
" ' HEADQUARTERS 4TH ARMY CORPS.
" 'ON ACKWORTH AND DALLAS ROAD, 8 MILES FROM DALLAS,
GA., May 31st 1864.
" 'COLONEL: - This is to express my thanks for your
services upon my staff during the past
month, since starting upon this campaign.
You have given me always full satisfaction,
and more, by your assiduous devotion to
duty.
" 'You have been active and untiring on the march, and
fearless in battle. Believe me,
Your friend,
O. O. HOWARD
" 'Major-General Commanding 4th Army Corps.
" 'To Col. T. J. Morgan,
Commanding 14th U. S. C. I.'
"General
James B. Steadman, who won such
imperishable renown at Chickamauga, was then
in command of the District of Etowah, with
headquarters at Chattanooga. I laid my
case before him; he listened with interest
to my plea, and assured me that if there was
any fighting to be done in his district, we
should have a hand in it.
"DALTON, GA. August l0th, 1864, we had our first fight,
at Dalton, Georgia. General
Wheeler, with a considerable force of
confederate cavalry, attacked Dalton, which
was occupied by a small detachment of Union
troops belonging to the 2nd Missouri, under
command of Colonel Laibold.
General Steadman went to
Laibold's aid, and forming line of
battle, attacked and routed the Southern
force. My regiment formed on the left
of the 51st Indiana Infantry, under command
of Col. A. D. Streight. The
fight was short, and not at all severe.
The regiment was all exposed to fire.
One private was killed, one lost a leg, and
one was wounded in the right hand.
Company B, on the skirmish line killed five
of the enemy, and wounded others. To
us it was a great battle, and a glorious
victory. The regiment had been
recognized as soldiers; it had taken its
place side by side with a white regiment; it
had been under fire. The men had
behaved gallantly. A colored soldier
had died for liberty. Others had shed
their blood in the great cause. Two or
three
[Pg. 298]
incidents will indicate the significance of
the day. Just before going into the
fight, Lieutenant Keinborts
said to his men: 'Boys, some of you may be
killed, but remember you are fighting for
liberty.' Henry Prince
replied, 'I am ready to die for liberty.'
In fifteen minutes he lay dead, a rifle ball
through his heart, a willing martyr.
"During the engagement General Steadman
asked his Aide, Captain Davis,
to look especially after the 14th colored.
Captain Davis rode up
just as I was quietly rectifying my line,
which in a charge had been disarranged.
Putting spurs to his horse, he dashed back
to the General and reassured him by
reporting that 'the regiment was holding
dress parade over there under fire.'
After the fight, as we marched into town,
through a pouring rain, a white regiment
standing at rest, swung their hats and gave
three rousing cheers for the 14th Colored.
Col. Streight's command was so
pleased with the gallantry of our men that
many of its members on being asked, 'What
regiment?' frequently replied, '5lst
Colored.'
" During the month of August we had some very hard
marching, in a vain effort to have another
brush with Wheeler's cavalry.
"The corn in East Tennessee was in good plight for
roasting, and our men showed great facility
in cooking, and marvelous capacity in
devouring it. Ten large ears were not
too much for many of them. On resuming
our march one day, after the noon halt, one
of the soldiers said he was unable to walk,
and asked permission to ride in an
ambulance. His comrades declared that,
having already eaten twelve ears of corn,
and finding himself unable to finish the
thirteenth, he concluded that he must be
sick, and unfit for duty.
" PULASKI, TENN. September 27th, 1864, I reported to
Major-General Rousseau,
commanding a force of cavalry at Pulaski,
Tenn. As we approached the town by
rail from Nashville, we heard artillery,
then musketry, and as we left the cars we
saw the smoke of guns. Forest,
with a large body of cavalry, had been
steadily driving Rousseau before him
all day, and was destroying the railroad.
Finding the General, I said: 'I am ordered
to report to you, sir.' 'What have
you?' 'Two regiments of colored
troops.' Rousseau was a Kentuckian,
and had not much faith in negro soldiers.
By his direction I threw out a strong line
of skirmishers, and posted the regiments on
a ridge, in good supporting distance.
Rousseau's men retired behind my
line, and Forest's men pressed
forward until they met our fire, and
recognizing the sound of the minie ball,
stopped to reflect.
"The massacre of colored troops at Fort Pillow was well
known to us, and had been fully discussed by
our men. It was rumored, and
thoroughly credited by them, that General
Forest had offered a thousand dollars
for the head of any commander of a 'nigger
regiment.' Here, then, was just such
an opportunity as those spoiling for a fight
might desire. Negro troops stood face
to face with Forest's veteran cavalry.
The fire was growing hotter, and balls were
uncomfortably thick. At length, the
enemy in strong force, with banners flying,
bore down toward
[Pg. 299]
us in full sight, apparently bent on
mischief. Pointing to the advancing
column, I said, as I passed along the line,
'Boys, it looks very much like fight; keep
cool, do your duty.' They seemed full
of glee, and replied with great enthusiasm:
'Colonel, dey can't whip us, dey nebber get
de ole 14th out of heah, nebber.' 'Nebber,
drives us away widout a mighty lot of dead
men,' &c., &c.
"When Forest learned that Rousseau was
re-enforced by infantry, he did not stop to
ask the color of the skin, but after testing
our line, and finding it unyielding, turned
to the east, and struck over toward
Murfreesboro.
"An incident occurred here, illustrating the humor of
the colored soldier. A spent ball
struck one of the men on the side of the
head, passed under the scalp, and making
nearly a circuit of the skull, came out on
the other side. His comrades merrily
declared that when the ball struck him, it
sang out 'too thick' and passed on.
"As I was walking with my adjutant down toward the
picket line, a ball struck the ground
immediately in front of us, about four feet
away, but it was so far spent as to the
harmless. We picked it up and carried
it along.
"Our casualties consisted of a few men slightly
wounded. We had not had a battle, but
it wa for us a victory, for our troops had
stood face to face with a triumphant force
of Southern cavalry, and stopped their
progress. They saw that they had done
what Rousseau's veterans could not
do. Having traveled 462 miles, we
returned to Chattanooga, feeling that we had
gained valuable experience, and we eagerly
awaited the next opportunity for battle,
which was not long delayed.
"DECATUR, ALA. - Our next active service was at
Decatur, Alabama. Hood, with
his veteran army that had fought Sherman
so gallantly from Chattanooga to Atlanta,
finding that his great antagonest had
started southward and seaward, struck out
boldly himself for Nashville. Oct.
27th I reported to General R. S. Granger,
commanding at Decatur. His little
force was closely besieged by Hood's
army, whose right rested on the Tennessee
river below the town, and whose left
extended far beyond our lines, on the other
side of the town. Two companies of my
regiment were stationed on the opposite side
of the river from Hood's right, and
kept up an annoying musketry fire.
Lieutenant Gillett, of Company G, was
mortally wounded by a cannon ball, and some
of the enlisted men were hurt. One private
soldier in Company B, who had taken position
in a tree as sharpshooter, had his right arm
broken by a ball. Captain Romeyn
said to him, 'You would better come down
from there, go to the rear, and find the
surgeon.' 'Oh no, Captain!' he
replied, 'I can fire with my left arm,' and
so he did.
"Another soldier of Company B, was walking along the
road, when hearing an approaching cannon
ball, he dropped flat upon the ground, and
was almost instantly well nigh covered with
the dirt plowed up by it, as it struck the
ground near by. Captain
Romeyn, who witnessed the incident, and
who was greatly amused by the fellow's
trepidation,
[Pg. 300]
asked him if he was frightened? His
reply was, 'Fore God, Captain, I thought I
was a dead man, sure!'
" Friday, Oct. 28th, 1864, at twelve o'clock, at the
head of 355 men, in obedience to orders from
General Granger, I charged and
took a battery, with a loss of sixty
officers and men killed and wounded.
After capturing the battery, and spiking the
guns, which we were unable to remove, we
retired to our former place in the line of
defense. The conduct of the men on
this occasion was most admirable, and drew
forth high praise from Generals
Granger and Thomas.
"Hood, having decided to push on to Nashville
without assaulting Decatur, withdrew.
As soon as I missed his troops from my
front, I notified the General commanding,
and was ordered to pursue, with the view of
finding where he was. About ten
o'clock the next morning, my skirmishers
came up with his rear guard, which opened
upon us a brisk infantry fire.
Lieutenant Woodworth, standing at
my side, fell dead, pierced through the
face. General Granger
ordered me to retire inside of the works,
and the regiment, although exposed to a
sharp fire, came off in splendid order.
As we marched inside the works, the white
soldiers, who had watched the manoeuvre,
gave us three rousing cheers. I have
heard the Pope's famous choir at St. Peters,
and the great organ at Freibourg, but the
music was not so sweet as the hearty
plaudits of our brave comrades.
"As indicating the change in public sentiment relative
to colored soldiers, it may be mentioned
that the Lieutenant-Colonel commanding the
68th Indiana Volunteer Infantry, requested
me as a personal favor to ask for the
assignment of his regiment to my command,
giving as a reason that his men would rather
fight along side of the 14th Colored than
with any white regiment. He was
ordered to report to me.
"After Hood had gone, and after our journey of 244
miles, we returned to Chattanooga, but not
to remain.
"NASHVILLE, TENN. Nov. 29, 1864, in command of the
14th, 16th and 44th Regiments U. S. C. I., I
embarked on a railroad train at Chattanooga
for Nashville. On December 1st, with
the 1 6th and most of the 14th, I reached my
destination, and was assigned to a place on
the extreme left of General Thomas'
army then concentrating for the defence of
Nashville against Hood's threatened
attack.
"The train that contained the 44th colored regiment,
and two companies of the 14th, under command
of Colonel Johnson, was
delayed near Murfreesboro until Dec. 2nd,
when it started for Nashville. But
when crossing a bridge not far from the
city, its progress was suddenly checked by a
cross-fire of cannon belonging to Forest's
command. I had become very anxious
over the delay in the arrival of these
troops, and when I heard the roar of cannon
thought it must be aimed at them. I
never shall forget the intensity of my
suffering, as hour after hour passed by
bringing me no tidings. Were they all
captured? Had they been massacred?
Who could answer? No one. What was to
be done? Nothing. I could only
wait and suffer.
[Pg. 301]
"The next day Colonel Johnson reached Nashville,
reporting that when stopped, he and his men
were forced, under heavy fire, to abandon
the train, clamber down from the bridge, and
run to a blockhouse near by, which had been
erected for the defence of the bridge, and
was still in possession of the Union
soldiers. After maintaining a stubborn
fight until far into the night, he withdrew
his troops, and making a detour to the east
came into our lines, having lost in killed,
wounded and missing, two officers and eighty
men of the 44th, and twenty-five men of the
14th.
"Just as Captain C. W. Baker, the senior officer
of the 14th, was leaving the car, a piece of
shell carried off the top of his cap, thus
adding immensely to its value as a souvenir.
Some of the soldiers who escaped lost
everything except the clothes they had on,
including knapsacks, blankets and arms.
In some cases they lay in the water hiding
for hours, until they could escape their
pursuers.
"Soon after taking our position in line at Nashville,
we were closely beseiged by Hood's
army; and thus we lay facing each other for
two weeks. Hood had suffered so
terribly by his defeat under Schofield,
at Franklin, that he was in no mood to
assault us in our works, and Thomas
needed more time to concentrate and
reorganize his army, before he could safely
take the offensive. That fortnight
interval was memorable indeed.
Hood's army was desperate. It had
been thwarted by Sherman, and thus
far baffled by Thomas, and Hood
felt that he must strike a bold blow to
compensate for the dreadful loss of prestige
occasioned by Sherman's march to the
sea. His men were scantily clothed and
poorly fed; if he could gain Nashville, our
great depot of supplies, he could furnish
his troops with abundance of food, clothing
and war material; encourage the confederacy,
terrify the people of the North, regain a
vast territory taken from the South at such
great cost to us, recruit his army from
Kentucky, and perhaps invade the North.
"Thomas well knew the gravity of the situation,
and was unwilling to hazard all by a
premature battle. I think that neither
he nor any of his army ever doubted the
issue of the battle when it should come,
whichever force should take the initiative.
"The authorities at Washington grew restive, and the
people at the North nervous. Thomas
was ordered to fight, Logan was
dispatched to relieve him if he did not, and
Grant himself started West to take
command. Thomas was too good a
soldier to be forced to offer battle, until
he was sure of victory. He knew that
time was his best ally, every day adding to
his strength and weakening his enemy.
In the meantime the weather became intensely
cold, and a heavy sleet covered the ground,
rendering it almost impossible for either
army to move at all. For a few days
our sufferings were quite severe. We
had only shelter tents for the men, with
very little fuel, and many of those who had
lost their blankets keenly felt their need.
"On December 5th, before the storm, by order of
General Steadman, I made a little
reconnaissance, capturing, with slight loss,
Lieutenant Gardner and six
men, from the 5th Mississippi Regiment.
December 7th
[Pg. 302]
we made another, in which Colonel
Johnson and three or four men were
wounded. On one of these occasions,
while my men were advancing in face of a
sharp fire, a rabbit started up in front of
them. With shouts of laughter, several
of them gave chase, showing that even battle
could not obliterate the negro's love of
sport.
"But the great day drew near. The weather grew
warmer; the ice gave way. Thomas
was ready, and calling together his chiefs,
laid before them his plan of battle.
"About nine o'clock at night December 14th, 1864, I was
summoned to General Steadman's
headquarters. He told me what the plan
of battle was, and said he wished me to open
the fight by making a vigorous assault upon
Hood's right flank. This, he
explained, was to be a feint, intended to
betray Hood into the belief that it
was the real attack, and to lead him to
support his right by weakening his left,
where Thomas in- tended assaulting
him in very deed. The General gave me
the 14th United States Colored Infantry,
under Colonel H. C. Corbin; the 17th
U. S. C. I., under the gallant Colonel W.
R. Shafter; a detachment of the 18th U.
S. C. I., under Major L. D. Joy; the
44th U. S. C. I., under Colonel L.
Johnson; a provisional brigade of white
troops under Colonel C. H. Grosvenor,
and a section of Artillery, under Captain
Osburn, of the 20th Indiana Battery.
" The largest force I had ever handled was two
regiments, and as I rather wanted to open
the battle in proper style, I asked
General Steadman what suggestion
he had to make. He replied: 'Colonel,
tomorrow morning at daylight I want you to
open the battle.' 'All right,
General, do you not think it would be a good
plan for me to', and I outlined a little
plan of attack. With a twinkle in his
kindly eye, he replied: 'Tomorrow morning,
Colonel, just as soon as you can see how to
put your troops in motion, I wish you to
begin the fight.' 'All right, General,
good night.' With these explicit
instructions, I left his headquarters,
returned to camp, and gave the requisite
orders for the soldiers to have an early
breakfast, and be ready for serious work at
daybreak. Then taking Adjutant
Clelland I reconnoitered the enemy's
position, tracing the line of his camp
fires, and decided on my plan of assault.
"The morning dawned with a dense fog, which held us in
check for some time after we were ready to
march. During our stay in Nashville, I
was the guest of Major W. B. Lewis,
through whose yard ran our line. He
had been a warm personal friend of Andrew
Jackson, occupying a place in the
Treasury Department during his
administration. He gave me the room
formerly occupied by the hero of New
Orleans, and entertained me with many
anecdotes of him. I remember in
particular one which I especially
appreciated, because of the scarcity of fuel
in our own camp. At one time
General Jackson ordered certain
troops to rendezvous for a few days at
Nashville. Major Lewis,
acting as Quartermaster, laid in a supply of
several hundred cords of wood, which he
supposed would be ample to last during their
entire stay in the city. The troops
arrived on a 'raw and gusty day,' and being
accustomed to comfortable
[Pg. 303]
fires at home, they burned up every stick
the first night, to the quartermaster's
great consternation.
"To return: On the morning of December 15th, Major
Lewis said he would have a servant
bring me my breakfast, which was not ready,
however, when I started. The boy, with
an eye to safety, followed me afar off, so
far that he only reached me, I think, about
two o'clock in the afternoon. But I
really believe the delay, improved the
flavor of the breakfast.
" As soon as the fog lifted, the battle began in good
earnest. Hood mistook my
assault for an attack in force upon his
right flank, and weakening his left in order
to meet it, gave the coveted opportunity to
Thomas, who improved it by assailing
Hood's left flank, doubling it up,
and capturing a large number of prisoners.
"Thus the first day's fight wore away. It had
been for us a severe but glorious day.
Over three hundred of my command had fallen,
but everywhere our army was successful.
Victory perched upon our banners.
Hood had stubbornly resisted, but had
been gallantly driven back with severe loss.
The left had done its duty. General
Steadman congratulated us, saying his
only fear had been that we might fight too
hard. We had done all he desired, and
more. Colored soldiers had again
fought side by side with white troops; they
had mingled together in the charge; they had
supported each other; they had assisted each
other from the field when wounded, and they
lay side by side in death. The
survivors rejoiced together over a hard
fought field, won by a common valor.
All who witnessed their conduct, gave them
equal praise. The day that we had
longed to see had come and gone, and the sun
went down upon a record of coolness,
bravery, manliness, never to be unmade.
A new chapter in the history of liberty had
been written. It had been shown that,
marching under a flag of freedom, animated
by a love of liberty, even the slave becomes
a man and a hero.
"At one time during the day, while the battle was in
progress, I sat in an exposed place on a
piece of ground sloping down toward the
enemy, and being the only horseman on that
part of the field, soon became a target for
the balls that whistled and sang their
threatening songs as they hurried by.
At length a shot aimed at me struck my horse
in the face, just above the nostril, and
passing up under the skin emerged near the
eye, doing the horse only temporary harm,
and letting me off scot-free, much to my
satisfaction, as may be supposed.
Captain Baker, lying on the
ground near by, heard the thud of the ball
as it struck the horse, and seeing me
suddenly dismount, cried out, 'the Colonel
is shot,' and sprang to my side, glad enough
to find that the poor horse's face had been
a shield to save my life. I was sorry
that the animal could not appreciate the
gratitude I felt to it for my deliverance.
"During that night Hood withdrew his army some
two miles, and took up a new line along the
crest of some low hills, which he strongly
fortified with some improvised breast works
and abatis. Soon after our early
breakfast, we moved forward over the
intervening space. My posi-
[Pg. 304]
tion was still on the extreme left of our
line, and I was especially charged to look
well to our flank, to avoid surprise.
"The 2nd Colored Brigade, under Colonel
Thompson, of the 12th U. S. C. I., was
on my right, and participated in the first
days' charge upon Overton's Hill, which was
repulsed. I stood where the whole
movement was in full view. It was a
grand and terrible sight to see those men
climb that hill over rocks and fallen trees,
in the face of a murderous fire of cannon
and musketry, only to be driven back.
White and black mingled together in the
charge, and on the retreat.
" When the 2nd Colored Brigade retired behind my lines
to reform, one of the regimental
color-bearers stopped in the open space
between the two armies, where, although
exposed to a dangerous fire, he planted his
flag firmly in the ground, and began
deliberately and coolly to return the
enemy's fire, and, greatly to our amusement,
kept up for some little time his independent
warfare.
"When the second and final assault was made, the right
of my line took part. It was with breathless
interest I watched that noble army climb the
hill with a steady resolve which nothing but
death itself could check. When at length the
assaulting column sprang upon the
earth-works, and the enemy seeing that
further resistance was madness, gave way and
began a precipitous retreat, our hearts
swelled as only the hearts of soldiers can,
and scarcely stopping to cheer or to await
orders, we pushed forward and joined in the
pursuit, until the darkness and the rain
forced a halt.
" The battle of Nashville did not compare in numbers
engaged, in severity of fighting, or in the
losses sustained, with some other Western
battles. But in the issues at stake,
the magnificent generalship of Thomas,
the completeness of our triumph, and the
immediate and far-reaching consequences, it
was unique, and deservedly ranks along with
Gettysburg, as one of the decisive battles
of the war.
" When General Thomas rode over the
battle-field and saw the bodies of colored
men side by side with the foremost, on the
very works of the enemy, he turned to his
staff, saying: 'Gentlemen, the question is
settled; negroes will fight.' He did me the
honor to recommend me for promotion, and
told me that he intended to give me the best
brigade that he could form. This he
afterward did.
"After the great victory, we joined in the chase after
the fleeing foe. Hood's army was
whipped, demoralized, and pretty badly
scattered. A good many stragglers were
picked up. A story circulated to this
effect: Some of our boys on making a sharp
turn in the road, came upon a forlorn
Southern soldier, who had lost his arms,
thrown away his accoutrements, and was
sitting on a log by the roadside, waiting to
give himself up. He was saluted with,
'Well, Johnny, how goes it?'
'Well, Yank, I'll tell ye; I confess I'm
horribly whipped, and badly demoralized, but
blamed if I'm scattered!'
[Pg. 305]
nmn, followed by my own regiment. The
men were swinging along 'arms at will,' when
they spied General Thomas and
staff approaching. Without orders they
brought their arms to 'right shoulder
shift,' took the step, and striking up their
favorite tune of ' John Brown,'
whistled it with admirable effect while
passing the General, greatly to his
amusement.
"We had a very memorable march from Franklin to
Murfreesboro, over miserable dirt roads.
About December 19th or 20th, we were on the
march at an early hour, but the rain was
there before us, and stuck by us closer than
a brother. We were drenched through
and through, and few had a dry thread.
We waded streams of water nearly waist deep;
we pulled through mud that seemed to have no
bottom, and where many a soldier left his
shoes seeking for it. The open woods
pasture where we went into camp that night,
was surrounded with a high fence made of
cedar rails. That fence was left
standing, and was not touched —until—well, I
do believe that the owners bitterness at his
loss was fully balanced by the comfort and
good cheer which those magnificent rail
fires afforded us that December night.
They did seem providentially
provided for us.
"During the night the weather turned cold, and when we
resumed our march the ground was frozen and
the roads were simply dreadful, especially
for those of our men who had lost their
shoes the day before and were now compelled
to walk barefoot, tracking their way with
blood. Such experiences take away
something of the romance sometimes suggested
to the inexperienced by the phase,
'soldiering in the Sunny South,' but then a
touch of it is worth having for the light it
throws over such historical scenes as those
at Valley Forge.
"We continued in the pursuit of Hood, as far as
Huntsville, Ala., when he disappeared to
return no more, and we were allowed to go
back to Chattanooga, glad of an opportunity
to rest. Distance travelled, 420 miles.
"We had no more fighting. There were many interesting
experiences, which, however, I will not take
time to relate. In August, 1805, being
in command of the Post at Knoxville, Tenn.,
grateful to have escaped without
imprisonment, wounds, or even a day of
severe illness, I resigned my commission,
after forty mouths of service, to resume my
studies.
"I cannot close this paper without expressing the
conviction that history has not yet done
justice to the share borne by colored
soldiers in the war for the Union.
Their conduct during that eventful period,
has been a silent, but most potent factor in
influencing public sentiment, shaping
legislation, and fixing the status of
colored people in America. If the
records of their achievements could be put
into such shape that they could be
accessible to the thousands of colored youth
in the South, they would kindle in their
young minds an enthusiastic devotion to
manhood and liberty."
|
